Showing posts with label Castro regime. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Castro regime. Show all posts

Thursday, January 9, 2020

The Red Umbrella and the Pedro Pan Children


I read a lot of youth novels, often because I volunteer at Scholastic Book warehouse sales, which I did just last month. They pay you in books. One of the books I picked up was The Red Umbrella, by Christina Gonzalez. It’s a look back in time to 1961, during Fidel Castro’s communist takeover of Cuba.


The story is told from the point of view of a 14-year-old Cuban girl, Lucía Álvarez, in an upper-middle-class family. Her father is a banker. She’s concerned with fashion, beginning to be interested in boys, and is planning her quinceañera ahead of her next birthday. She reads Seventeen magazine—in English, which she was required to study in school but doesn’t yet speak well. And she listens to Elvis records. She lives a happy life with her parents and 7-year-old brother.

Quite suddenly her life changes. And that change is a story our young people today need to hear.

Let’s start with the meaning of the umbrella. It’s bright. It’s noticeable in a crowd. Plus, it’s not very fashionable. Lucía tells her mother, “Just because you’ve had that umbrella forever doesn’t mean it’s the only one you can use, you know.” 

Her mother answers, “I like my umbrella. It’s the only one I’ve ever found that’s big enough to protect all of us from the rain.”

“But red is the color of the revolution.” I hoped this would make her reconsider.
Mamá stopped walking to look at me. “No, Lucía. The revolution may have taken over a lot of things, but it doesn’t own a color. For me, red is the symbol of strength, and that’s all it will ever represent.”
Strength and protection. Makes for a good symbol.

OK, now for the story.

Schools have been closed—private schools permanently, and government-run schools temporarily. It’s early summer. Some of Lucía’s friends are being recruited to join the brigades, and leave their homes for months at a time to “go teach and live in the mountains.” Since nothing exciting is happening around home, Lucía has been asking her parents if she can go on that adventure. She tries to convince them. “Thousands of kids my age and younger have joined the brigades. Their parents trust them.”

Her father vehemently says no:

“You think your mother and I enjoy saying no to you? We only want the best for you, to protect you. They don’t care about breaking up families. It’s actually what they want. To destroy the family so the only thing left is the revolution, just like Karl Marx suggested.”
At this point, the revolution seems distant, only an idea that people who are in tune to what’s up to date are doing. She can’t understand why her parents are so against it. Her parents are careful not to come out publicly against the revolution; they know that isn’t safe. But they do only whatever minimum is required. Her father identifies their CDR (Committee for the Defense of the Revolution) former friends as “glorified neighborhood spies,” which means they need to be careful around certain neighbors. Lucía is thinking,

I couldn’t believe how judgmental Papá was being. I’d read the newspapers and knew how much the revolution wanted to help people. It said that the factories had been closed because the owners were giving all their profits to foreigners and that the churches had been infiltrated by American sympathizers. Castro had no choice but to have the government take over many of the businesses so that there wouldn’t be so much corruption.
Lucía has a friend, Ivette, who goes to the “Jóvenes” (youth) meetings:

She said it was like walking into a kitchen after something had burned. At first, the odor almost knocks you over, but after a while, you forget there was ever a bad smell.
The government has started confiscating wealth. Her father brings some things home from the bank one day, from their safe-deposit box, and hides them, along with her mother’s jewelry, in a hole under a loose tile in the floor:

“Your mother’s ring, my father’s watch, everything.” Papá shook his head. “The idea is that all the wealth should be spread out. So they’re taking from those who have worked their entire lives, like us, keeping some of the money for themselves and then supposedly giving the rest to the poor. Isn’t that wonderful? I’ve worked since I was fifteen just so I can be as poor as the bum who never worked a day in his life. Welcome to Castro’s revolution!”
Lucía is beginning to wonder.

I’d read how the revolution wanted the working class to save their money. It was only the lazy rich who had to share with those who had less. So why was Papá so worried? We certainly weren’t rich. Plus, Papá had worked hard every day of his life, and although he wasn’t a fan of the revolution, he most definitely wasn’t an anti-revolutionary. No one could really fault him for trying to protect what was ours. Could they?
It’s notable how much indoctrination Lucía had already received from school and newspaper propaganda.

Shortly after this, Lucía is sent on an errand to the pharmacy because her little brother is sick with a fever. Doc Machado is late coming in that day, but his sister, Señora Garra, takes care of Lucía’s needs—including a bottle of nail polish that her mother was letting her buy in preparation of her first dance that coming Friday. On the way home, a girl from school warns her away from Central Avenue, because there were soldiers, and something was happening over there. “Just be careful.” But Lucía wasn’t paying attention, dreaming about the dance, and suddenly realizes she’d been walking down Central Avenue, her usually route home.

There weren’t solders. There wasn’t anyone. Something was wrong. She plans to cut through the city park up ahead and cross over to another street. But at the entrance to the park, she faces a horror.

There, from the oak tree on the corner, hung the body of Doc Machado!
This was a turning point. She had known Doc Machado. He was not a threat to anyone; he was a good man. She was now worried about her parents. They, in turn, were worried about the children.

More bad things happen. Police come and find the hiding place under the floor and confiscate all their wealth. The bank manager is removed, and Lucía’s father is given the position for a while—on the assumption that he will provide them with any information they want on people’s private accounts, which he won’t do. There’s more pressure to take all children from their families. Some children have even been sent to Russia.

Lucía’s parents start working to find a way to get the kids out of the country. The kids take it as they must, but it’s frightening. Lucía worries that America might be “a place full of hate and race riots like the Cuban newspapers described.” That isn’t what they encounter, of course.

Most of the book tells the story of their separation. The first destination is a camp in Miami, but girls and boys are in separate camps, across the road from each other, and her younger brother keeps sneaking out to be with her. A good supervisor there—who had known Lucía’s father—arranges for them to go together to a Catholic foster family, the Baxters, in Nebraska. They’re a kindly couple whose son is grown and living in Boston. They live modestly, on a farm in a relatively small town.

The children had to leave Cuba with very few possessions—a single bag each. And they aren’t equipped for winter. So the parishioners do a collection. Lucía tries not to be ungrateful, but,

I was going to be wearing hand-me-downs. Used clothing. I’d never had to do that before. We always bought the very latest fashions. Ivette would be mortified to see me wearing these clothes.
They are able to save up and make occasional phonecalls to their parents, and send letters, which are always subject to scrutiny by the Cuban government, so they can’t speak openly about conditions. Papá loses his job. He works doing odd jobs to provide an income, and Mamá also finds domestic work. Then Papá falls off a roof and is sent to a hospital, so there is much worry.

Near spring, about ten months after the family was separated, the parents tell the children that they have been able to get an exit visa—but for only the mother. Mamá insists she won’t leave, but the opportunity is not likely to come again, so the rest of them talk her into it.

The red umbrella comes up again at the reunion.

I’ve probably given too many spoilers already, but it’s a book worth reading—and worth getting young people to read.

It’s actually not very political. There’s only the young girl’s view of what she experienced—the change from freedom and prosperity to the loss of all that in her home country, and the eventual acceptance of her new home. She observes what happens to good people in Cuba. And she observes the changes in people who are essentially brainwashed by the revolutionaries—as she corresponds with her friend Yvette, who loses her former self completely. 

When Lucia realizes her childhood friendship with Yvette is over, she thinks,

My heart ached. I had wanted to go back to Cuba. To my parents. To my best friend. But that didn’t seem possible anymore. That Cuba, that friend, simply didn’t exist.
Operation Pedro Pan children, hoping
to immigrate to the US from Cuba
image from Wikipedia
Lucía has lost her old life in Cuba, the beautiful island nation that she loved. But at least she remembers the good life it had been. Yvette and others who give in to the revolution no longer remember the good; they’ve been taught to believe it was all bad.

In a time when young people don’t have the memories and experience to understand what Marxism does to a country—even with the example of Venezuela before our eyes—this child’s-eye-view might be enlightening.

Unlike many youth novels, most of the people in this story are kind and well-meaning. The Baxters aren’t secretly deviant, don’t have ulterior motives. Friends at school are accepting and genuine—and recognize the few mean people for what they are, as in any high school. The parents are neither domineering nor saccharine perfect. There’s a bonus glossary of Spanish terms at the back of the book, in case you didn’t understand any phrases through context.

The story is fiction, but it’s based on the experiences similar to the author’s family. Her grandparents had to make the heartbreaking decision to send their children alone to the US—which means her parents experienced being “Pedro Pan” children, as did her mother-in-law. As she says in the acknowledgments, “Because of their foresight, our family has become part of the American dream.”

Fifty-nine years have passed since that time, and Cuba still suffers. But it’s clear why Cuban Americans, especially, cherish the freedoms we’re guaranteed in our Constitution.

Monday, November 28, 2016

The Witch Is Dead!

There’s a scene early in The Wizard of Oz when Dorothy’s house drops on top of a wicked witch. And the people of the land, the Munchkins, come out to meet “the young lady who fell from a star.” And they sing, “Ding Dong! The witch is dead! Which old witch? The wicked witch?” And they cheer and celebrate.

And then the other wicked witch shows up. And she’s every bit as bad as the one under the house.

It wasn’t until much later in the movie, when Dorothy accidentally kills the other wicked witch, by throwing water on her in the attempt to put out the fire on her friend the Scarecrow, that the large army of guards let their real allegiance be known. They had been tyrannized by the witch; they hadn’t served her out of love and loyalty. They cheered Dorothy for freeing them.




So, this weekend we’re looking at the somewhat unusual spectacle of people cheering the death of a human being: Fidel Castro. He was 90 years old, so no one ended his life prematurely. But there’s a sense that at last his personal evil has left the earth. Of course, he had a younger brother (Raul, 85), to whom he bestowed his power, so the tyranny can continue. So the story, for Cuba and its people, isn’t over yet.

It’s probably a good time to recount the evil, while people are taking notice—because people tend to overlook evil once it is no longer imminently threatening.

Fidel Castro has been the dictator of Cuba, not just during my adulthood, but essentially through my entire life. He came to power in 1959, in an overthrow of the Batista regime. As President Kennedy pointed out in 1960,

“They [Castro and other revolutionaries] promised individual liberty and free elections. They promised an end to harsh police-state tactics. They promised a better life for a people long oppressed by both economic and political tyranny. But in the two years since that revolution swept Fidel Castro into power, those promises have all been broken.”
Those promises were never intended; they were lies to get people to back them, so they could gain power. And once in power, they would wield it.

Castro’s style of tyranny was based in Marxist-Leninist doctrine. A year into his reign he nationalized all American-led industries (these included oil refineries, factories, and casinos), which led to the end of diplomatic relations with America. Let’s note here that Cuba had the ability to end the embargo at any time, by willingly agreeing to civil rights for its people and denying its intention to spread communism. Castro chose to let his people live in poverty, and then claim it was that evil capitalist America that was doing it to them.

When Obama lifted the embargo in 2015, it was not because Castro had capitulated—even partially. Obama, the “great” negotiator (as in the Iran deal), made sure the US got nothing in exchange for lightening its policies against the neighbor who had threatened us with nuclear missiles in the early 1960s. Maybe that was because Obama could see nothing wrong with Castro’s dictatorship or imposed socialism. We can only speculate, because Obama hasn’t provided any acceptable explanation.

Senator Marco Rubio, whose family escaped from Cuba, is right to hope for a rollback of the Obama concessions.

Obama’s expression of condolence was mild compared to some. Jill Stein, recent Green Party candidate who is insisting on a recount (does she think votes for her were hidden in a few states?) tweeted,

Fidel Castro was a symbol of the struggle for justice in the shadow of empire. Presente!
While the insanity of the sentence causes enough consternation, I’m puzzling over the “Presente!” which means “present,” as in, “I’m here in class, or in line” or maybe means, “I’m with you, and ready to go to battle on your side.” Or maybe she was just referring to him as “presidente” and misspelled it. Either way, her expression, while legal in the US (as dissenting views are not, in Cuba), is highly offensive, and reveals her to be both anti-American and pro-communist tyranny.

Much of today there was talk of Canada’s Prime Minister Trudeau lamenting the loss:

Fidel Castro was a larger than life leader who served his people for almost half a century. A legendary revolutionary and orator, Mr. Castro made significant improvements to the education and healthcare of his island nation.
There isn’t any truth in there, other than the length of time. He didn’t serve the Cuban people; he served himself by enslaving the people. In a country where people’s average income (using American money as a standard) is about $20 a month, Castro had amassed for himself a cache of $900 million. He enjoyed a massive estate, on a private island, and simply lied to his people.

There are those who claim he improved the education and healthcare of his people. Photo evidence shows healthcare for regular Cubans to be Third World at best, and filthier than a Gosnell clinic. If you know anyone who would prefer educating their child in Cuba rather than 90 miles north in Florida, I’ll concede that one, but I don’t think I’ll have to.

There are lists of the abuses and crimes against humanity, in particular his own people. Yale history professor Carlos Eire wrote a piece with such a list, called “Farewell to Cuba’s Brutal Big Brother,” with a pretty good list. He ends with this epitaph:

In sum, Fidel Castro was the spitting image of Big Brother in George Orwell’s novel “1984.” So, adiós, Big Brother, king of all Cuban nightmares. And may your successor, Little Brother, soon slide off the bloody throne bequeathed to him.
A piece by Jeff Powers earlier today included a list from CubaArchive.org/database that lists the deaths Castro is responsible for: 



One thing we’re seeing is that support for Castro is limited exclusively to the leftist-progressive-liberal-democrat side. No lover of the Constitution and freedom would praise such a monster.
As Powers summarized in his piece:

Troublingly, the praise and criticism of Castro has mirrored political ideologies. Support is coming from those who lean left. Consider that for a moment. Because someone has an ideological slant similar to yours, you are willing to “overlook” decades of human rights and political abuses and heap praise on someone’s legacy. That is a scary thought, and shows how partisan our politics have become.
In Spherical Model terms, Castro was a deep south tyrannist. Control over people and power to himself were his goals, his ideology, and legacy. Those who praise Castro while claiming they fear and hate President-elect Trump for his authoritarianism are morally depleted. You can’t overlook one tyrant’s crimes and despise another just because he’s not currently in your party.

Those of us who see northern freedom clearly must never ever compromise with those who want to impose tyranny on us.

Senator Ted Cruz, whose father and other family members suffered under Castro’s dictatorship firsthand, recounts the history in a National Review op-ed. And I’m in agreement with him about Cuba going forward:

A dictator is dead. But his dark, repressive legacy will not automatically follow him to the grave. Change can come to Cuba, but only if America learns from history and prevents Fidel’s successor from playing the same old tricks.
Ding dong! The dictator is dead! But there’s still another dictator in place and willing to continue the oppression. And there are people among us in America who glorify tyranny and degrade Constitutional freedom. We must be constantly vigilant.