[N]o bureaucratic judgment
condemning a sincerely held religious belief as “irrational” or “offensive”
will ever survive strict scrutiny under the First Amendment. In this country,
the place of secular officials isn’t to sit in judgment of religious beliefs,
but only to protect their free exercise.
—Justice Neil Gorsuch
As if I didn’t write a long enough post on Monday about the
Masterpiece Cakeshop ruling, I thought I’d add some more.
On Monday we dealt mostly with Kennedy’s majority opinion.
But there were actually four concurring opinions: Kennedy’s (joined by all but
Ginsburg and Sotomayor), Kagan (joined by Breyer), Gorsuch (joined by Alito),
and Thomas (joined by Gorsuch). Plus, of course, there was the dissenting
opinion.
Justices ruling on Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, image from SCOTUSblog |
There’s something of an argument going on between Justice Kagan
and Justice Gorsuch. The SCOTUS world isn’t like much of anything else we have.
These two differing people don’t sit in a room and discuss or debate one
another. They ask different questions during oral arguments, which reveals
something of what they’re thinking. But it isn’t until the written opinions
that you see them challenging the opinions of others.
Justice Kagan agrees that the Colorado Civil Rights
Commission was wrong in their anti-religious approach to the baker. But their
tone, and approach, is pretty much all she finds wrong.
There’s a comparison in this case with the Jack case—a man
who requested a cake with an anti-same-sex marriage message written on it,
including a Bible verse, and was turned away by three bakers, in which case the
CCRC ruled that the bakers did not have to create a cake with a message against
their beliefs. Kagan says the difference is that they would not have made such
a cake for any customer. But she claims Phillips, the owner of Masterpiece
Cakeshop, does make wedding cakes for anyone but same-sex customers.
Justice Kagan writes,
The different outcomes in the Jack cases and the Phillips
case could thus have been justified by a plain reading and neutral application
of Colorado law—untainted by any bias against a religious belief.
There’s a long footnote comment at that point (I’ve left out
the citations):
image from Amazon.com |
JUSTICE GORSUCH disagrees. In his view, the Jack cases and
the Phillips case must be treated the same because the bakers in all those cases
“would not sell the requested cakes to anyone.” That description perfectly fits
the Jack cases—and explains why the bakers there did not engage in unlawful discrimination.
But it is a surprising characterization of the Phillips case, given that
Phillips routinely sells wedding cakes to opposite-sex couples. JUSTICE GORSUCH
can make the claim only because he does not think a “wedding cake” is the
relevant product. As JUSTICE GORSUCH sees it, the product that Phillips refused
to sell here—and would refuse to sell to anyone—was a “cake celebrating same-sex
marriage.” But that is wrong. The cake requested was not a special “cake
celebrating same-sex marriage.” It was simply a wedding cake—one that (like
other standard wedding cakes) is suitable for use at same-sex and opposite-sex weddings
alike.
Let me clarify here, to help out Justice Kagan. A
marriage—and the ceremony and celebration surrounding it, called a wedding—is a
particular thing. It has been that particular thing for thousands of years. The
particular thing that is defined as marriage is a contract between a man and a
woman indicating that their union is permanent, includes the human reproductive
behavior that can lead to offspring, and in most cultures is exclusive. They make
the contract before the community—by way of church and law most usually—thereby
allowing the community to expect from them the social benefits that marriage
provides.
A ruling by five justices, legalizing same-sex marriage by
fiat, does not change the definition of actual marriage; it cannot. The power
to do so was never granted to those judges by the people, nor by their law, the
Constitution. Nor could a majority of people voting to make it so among a
particular people change the definition of what marriage actually is.
Add to that the belief that the original definition of
marriage was ordained by God, and to the believer the very attempt to change it
becomes immoral.
As Justice Thomas says in his concurring opinion:
Forcing Phillips to make custom wedding cakes for same-sex
marriages requires him to, at the very least, acknowledge that same-sex weddings
are “weddings” and suggest that they should be celebrated—the precise message
he believes his faith forbids.
To clarify further, it is not homophobic, bigoted, or
otherwise evil to believe in the real meaning of marriage. There is nothing
inherently anti-homosexual about that. Homosexuals have always been allowed to
marry a person of the opposite sex, who is not married to someone else, who is
not a close relative—just like heterosexuals. It’s just that they are now
expecting all cultures the world over to throw out real marriage and redefine
it as something akin to “in a current sexual relationship with a person of my
choosing.” And then they choose someone to whom they cannot, by definition,
marry.
For someone who made a covenant to a spouse and is living
that out decade after decade, to be told my covenant is now transformed into nothing
more than an announcement of who I’m currently choosing to hook up with—that is
utterly disrespectful. Yet you’re not getting gay-hate parades. You’re not
getting gay persecutions. You’re getting quiet business owners who simply want
to go about their businesses while living their religions—and they’re being
persecuted and prosecuted for it.
In the end, we know the meek will inherit the earth. In the
meantime, if we’re truth seekers, we should seek justice for not just one
baker, but for all the other marriage-honoring people who are being persecuted.
So, back to this case. Justice Gorsuch is correct: a “cake
celebrating same-sex marriage” is not the same as a “wedding cake.” They have
the same ingredients, but not the same intent.
The same-sex couple would have been free to purchase a
generic wedding cake, already produced by the baker (or, rather, whatever was available
on the day they wanted it), and they could take it and use it for whatever
purpose they chose, without ever burdening the baker with knowledge or
responsibility for how the confection would be used.
But that is not what they asked. They asked for a custom
designed and produced cake for their same-sex “wedding” celebration. Phillips
told them he does not design and create cakes for such an event. He was asked
by the mother of one of the couple, and he would not sell such a service to her
either, even though she was heterosexual. It wasn’t about the sexual
orientation of the customers—whom he was willing to serve with any of his other
products. It was about his unwillingness to use his God-given talents to celebrate
an event that, in his view, is not a real wedding, and further is offensive to
God.
Kagan’s view can only be correct if a same-sex “marriage” is
self-evidently exactly equal to an actual marriage. At the time of the dispute,
not even the state of Colorado saw it that way.
During the oral arguments during Obergefell, Justice Kennedy
was fully aware of the danger to religious people, who would not change their
beliefs simply because a ruling made a legal path open to a certain group of
people. And he seemed to at least give lip service to the importance of
protecting religious liberty.
And to be fair, the Court has ruled unanimously several
times in recent years to protect religious liberty. It’s just that there’s
always this rather arbitrary “unless the government has a compelling interest”
threat hanging overhead. In this case, fortunately, we still have 7 of the 9
justices willing to recognize the need to support religious freedom, although
the reasons of at least 3 of them feel rather tentative, more like “don’t be
overtly anti-religious.”
In the absence of Justice Scalia, I’m happy that we have yet
another justice who is not just clear, but enjoyable to read. There’s this
section of Justice Gorsuch’s concurring opinion in which he uses a Goldilocks
metaphor in referring to the changing standards used by the Colorado
Commission:
Goldilocks, image from here |
At its most general level, the cake at issue in Mr.
Phillips’s case was just a mixture of flour and eggs; at its most specific
level, it was a cake celebrating the same-sex wedding of Mr. Craig and Mr.
Mullins. We are told here, however, to apply a sort of Goldilocks rule:
describing the cake by its ingredients is too general; understanding it as
celebrating a same-sex wedding is too specific; but regarding it as a generic
wedding cake is just right. The problem is, the Commission didn’t play with the
level of generality in Mr. Jack’s case in this way. It didn’t declare, for
example, that because the cakes Mr. Jack requested were just cakes about
weddings generally, and all such cakes were the same, the bakers had to produce
them. Instead, the Commission accepted the bakers’ view that the specific cakes
Mr. Jack requested conveyed a message offensive to their convictions and
allowed them to refuse service. Having done that there, it must do the same
here.
Any other conclusion would invite civil authorities to
gerrymander their inquiries based on the parties they prefer. Why calibrate the
level of generality in Mr. Phillips’s case at “wedding cakes” exactly—and not
at, say, “cakes” more generally or “cakes that convey a message regarding
same-sex marriage” more specifically? If “cakes” were the relevant level of
generality, the Commission would have to order the bakers to make Mr. Jack’s
requested cakes just as it ordered Mr. Phillips to make the requested cake in
his case. Conversely, if “cakes that convey a message regarding same-sex
marriage” were the relevant level of generality, the Commission would have to
respect Mr. Phillips’s refusal to make the requested cake just as it respected
the bakers’ refusal to make the cakes Mr. Jack requested. In short, when the
same level of generality is applied to both cases, it is no surprise that the
bakers have to be treated the same. Only by adjusting the dials just
right—fine-tuning the level of generality up or down for each case based solely
on the identity of the parties and the substance of their views—can you
engineer the Commission’s outcome, handing a win to Mr. Jack’s bakers but
delivering a loss to Mr. Phillips. Such results-driven reasoning is improper.
Justice Thomas ends his concurring opinion with a reminder that
he told us so:
In Obergefell, I warned that the Court’s decision would “inevitabl[y]…
come into conflict” with religious liberty, “as individuals… are confronted
with demands to participate in and endorse civil marriages between same-sex couples.”
This case proves that the conflict has already emerged. Because the Court’s
decision vindicates Phillips’ right to free exercise, it seems that religious
liberty has lived to fight another day. But, in future cases, the freedom of
speech could be essential to preventing Obergefell from being used to “stamp
out every vestige of dissent” and “vilify Americans who are unwilling to assent
to the new orthodoxy” [Alito]. If that freedom is to maintain its vitality,
reasoning like the Colorado Court of Appeals’ must be rejected.
The battle is being waged. I hope the meekly religious can
hang on until it’s time to inherit the earth.
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